NATIONAL AFFAIRS.

An Irish Rebellion.

In the closing days of Elizabeth’s reign there was a rebellion in Ireland, and in consequence of the failure of the court favourite, the Earl of Essex, to deal with the situation, fresh troops had to be raised and sent. Soldiers were pressed for service in every place. A Roll was made containing the names of the soldiers, the towns from which they came, and the character of their weapons. This is dated October 16th, 1601, the 43rd year of the Queen’s reign. The name of the soldier taken from this village is given under “Bingham Wapp ” (entake):

Gervas Pare de Tollerton. Call(yver).”

The charges levied on the parish for “furnishing” this soldier amounted to £3 5s. 8d., viz., for the Callyver or light musket 23s. 4d.; Sword, dagger, and girdle 10s.; the soldier’s “cote” 15s. and his “apparell” 12s.; and 5s. 4d. for the “conduct monie.” Of this sum 17s. 4d. was given to the soldier when he was delivered to the captain, and the remainder was handed over to the captain to buy arms and armour.

The name of this pressed soldier raises an interesting question. The only family bearing the name of Pare met with in the parish records, is that of the rector from 1604 onwards. In spite of the divergence of dates there may have been some connection between the rector and the soldier.

The Protestation 1641-2.

There is no blacker page in the annals of Ireland than the massacre of Protestants in 1641. The death of Strafford and the helplessness of King Charles shewed the Irish that they were at the mercy of the Puritan Parliament. The desperate condition of the Roman Catholic gentry made them the ready prey of conspirators, and these had at hand ready tools in the hopeless peasantry.

It became known that there was a plot to seize the ministers and Dublin Castle, and it was bruited abroad that there was to be a general massacre of Protestants. There was little time for preparation, and many Protestants were left at the mercy of their foes. The attack began on Scottish settlers in Ulster, in October, 1641; and although this met with resistance, those in other provinces suffered the worst; and everywhere there was an orgy of massacre and plunder.

The news of these happenings spread horror in England, and roused the people to action. A Protestation against Popery was drawn up, and all males of 18 years of age and upwards were required to sign it. It ran :—

“ I A.B. do in the presence of the Almighty God promise vow and protest to maintain and defend with my life, power, and estate the true Reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the doctrine of the Church of England against all Popery and Popish Innovations . . . contrary to the same doctrine and I will oppose and endeavour to bring to condign punishment all such as shall by force practice counsels plots conspiracies do anything to the contrary of anything in this Protestation and I shall endeavour to preserve the Union and Peace between the Three Kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland.”

The names of the Tollerton protestators follow, the Roll being dated “the sixt day of March Anno Domini 1641” (O.S.):—

Mr. Richard Pendocke John Ashon
Mr. Barrey Pendocke John Watts
Mr. Richard Pendocke juvenior Leonard Upton
Robert Leeson William Millington
John Smith William Parker
John Watts William Smith
John Freeman Robert Leeman
John Linsdall Francis Genton
James Bus’ne Richard Leeson
Robert Richmond Robert Leeson
Thomas Weate Richard Willson
George Warde Gervas Smith
Richard Parnham Michill Barrow
Thomas Horsley Henry Hall
Henry Kercke George Parr
Robert Kercke John Brumbie
John Kercke John Holmes
Brian Stapleton John Clark
William Slight Isaacke Ball
William Henson William Kerckbie
Richard Isher John Parnham
John Carrington John Bishe
Richard Kercke Henry Banister
William Goadbie Hugh Whitington
Gabriell Ragsdall Richard Goadbie
John Kerckbie Richard Jackson

Beneath is written: “We whose names are underwritten do testifie that all the inhabitants of Tollerton above the age of eighteene yeares have taken the p(ro)testation and all theire names are herein expressed and not any refused to take it in the presence of us.

Gervaus Pendocke1 Rector ibid.
Thomas Horsley
Robert Coppocke (mark) R Churchwardens.
John Linsdall, Constable.
Robert Kerckbie, (mark), K, ov(er)seere for the poore.
Including the attestators there are 57 names on the roll.

The Civil War

This village is so near to Nottingham, and the scenes of many a skirmish between Cavaliers and Roundheads that it is remarkable that it has no traditions of any fighting within its bounds. An interesting tradition has survived, that Oliver Cromwell passed a night in a house situated within the moated enclosure of Moat Close. There is nothing improbable in this, because the Pendocks, with the exception of Gervase the parson, were strong supporters of the Parliament. Richard Pendock, the manor lord, was on the Parliamentary County Committee and two of his sons served as officials under this committee, and one at least was in the army. This Captain Pendock is mentioned by Mrs. Hutchinson in the Life of Col. Hutchinson, her husband, under whom this officer served.

As Mrs. Hutchinson’s memoir is the sole source of our knowledge of Captain Pendock, her account of him is of much interest. She tells us that in the year 1644, spies sent out by the Nottingham garrison returned from the Newark district reporting the approach of two hundred of the king’s horse. They said, that wearied with a long march, they were quartered at Syerston and Elton in the Vale of Belvoir, and could easily be surprised by a sudden night attack.

Col. Hutchinson called a council of his captains and consulted them on the matter. Mrs. Hutchinson says :—

“They were all forward to go on in the design except Captain Pendock who persuaded him much against it; but while they were discoursing another intelligencer came in, to second the former; whereupon the Governor told the captains, that if they would go, he was resolved to do something that night, and because Captain Pendock was best acquainted with that side of the country he appointed him to lead on the forlorn hope, which accordingly he did, but with such sloth and muttering, that in two or three miles riding, the Governor was forced to send up some officers to him, to hasten him on. Yet this was not from cowardice, but only humour and faction, for the man was stout enough when he had a mind to it, but now he rode along, muttering that it was to no purpose, and when he came to Saxondale Gorse purposely lost himself and his forlorn hope, which the Governor missing was much troubled, fearing that by some misadventures they might have been enclosed and cut off between the enemie’s garrisons; but when they came to Saxondale Lane Pendock and his forlorn hope were found safe in the rear of the body. While they were here a cornet, whom Col. Hutchinson had sent on a special errand, returned reporting the presence of the two or three hundred enemy horse. The Colonel was all for an advance, but Captain Pendock was unwilling, saying it would be day by the time they came to the villages. However, the Colonel decided to go on; with the result that, after some little success, he had to beat a hasty retreat before a party of horse which the Newark garrison sent out against him.”

Mrs. Hutchinson records another incident connected with the young captain at Nottingham. “About this time (1644) Captain Pendock took occasion to rail at the town-works, and Hooper (the engineer responsible) making answers which drew on replies, Pendock struck him, whereupon the man, angry, laid his hand upon his sword and half drew it out, but thrust it in again. An affrighted maid ran into the kitchen, and told a soldier the happenings. The offending Hooper was arrested, to be immediately released; and the affair ended.”

That is the last we hear of the muttering irascible captain, whom we take to be Barry Pendock.

It is apparently the name of the captain’s brother (though possibly his father) which appears at the foot of these official documents : —

    “10 July 1645.
1. “Willm. James his bill.
for deliveringe out Coales to the souldiers in the Garrison for 5 weekes ended this day xx s.
Mr. Hough pay this bill beinge twenty shillings.
    Joseph Widmerpole.
Nichs. Charlton.
Rich. Pendock.”
2. “Mr. Hough Pay £8. 6. 5. unto Mr. Richard Pendock for the use of Lady Parkyns a Papist the said summe being a third part of the rentes received from Bradmere tennaunts.
Given under our hands this 15th day of April, 1645.
    George Pigott.
Joseph Widmerpole.
  Recd. Rich. Pendock.”
3. “Received of Mr. Pendocke for a payre of shooes for Mr. Clifton 4s. 0d.”
Mr. Clifton’s loyalty had brought him into sore straits.

A George Pendock also held an official position under the County Committee. His name is found on hundreds of documents of this period. These are typical examples :—

1. “Mr. Hough you are desired to pay unto George Pendocke for his attendance uppon the Committee a fortnight’s pay 8s. p. week sixteen shillings and this shall be your warrante given under our handes this 17 of January 1645.
Rd. in ffull accordengly by me
    George Pendocke.
Edw. Aysgoghe.
Nicho. Charlton.”
2. Mr. Hough pay three pounds and three shillings to Mr. George Pendock to be distributed for one weekes pay yet to come amongst the souldiers who were commanded downe to Newarke by order from the Lords and Commons.
  Nicho. Charlton.  
    Recd. George Pendocke.
  May 23rd, 1646.”

 

3. On June 21st, 1647, George Pendocke signed a receipt for £2 11. 0. paid to Mrs. Perkyns for dinners provided at Nottingham for the Committee and others when the county came to agree on Assessments. She had supplied 22 dinners, at 18d. each, and 4 at 8d. She also had charged 12s. 8d. for wine, and 2s. 8d. for tobacco, beer, and pipes.

Ireland Again.

Fresh troubles arose in Ireland in 1646. This time Tollerton was called on to provide money, not men.

The Commonwealth Exchequer Papers of the following year contain the following acknowledgments of monies paid by the constable of the parish: —

“Money received for the maintenance of the British Army in Ireland.

Jan. 30, 1647 Received of the Constable of Tollerton in parte 0 9 10
April 26, 1647 More Recd, then of the Constable of Tollerton 4 0 0
Recd, more of the sayd constable 1 0 0
Recd, more from Tollerton 1 0 0

The Parish Armour.

After the death of John Neale, the second Tollerton squire of that name, an inventory was made, about 1728, of his goods in his two houses at Mansfield Woodhouse. Among them was found—

“Two Buff Coates, 2 Belts, 2 Swords, 1 Coat, belonging to Tollerton.”

This equipment may be that of two parish soldiers of the seventeenth century. The fate of the armour is unknown.

In the Days of the French Revolution.

1798.—“A schedule or duplicate of the whole sum assessed upon each parish pursuant to an Act of Parliament passed in the 38th year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third Intitled an Act for granting an Aid to his Majesty by a Land Tax to be raised in Great Britain for the Service of 1798.
     Tollerton     £93. 5. 4.
          Robert Barlow, Assessor and Collector.”

Note.—This compares with Plumtree £115 2. 4. (Wm. Linaker), Normanton £79 17. 4. (Thos. Holmes), and East Leake £121 10. 8. (Stephen Taylor and Patrick James).

In the Days of Napoleon—1804.

The threat of invasion by the French led to the enrolment of Volunteer Corps throughout the country. Among the Nottinghamshire companies raised was The Loyal Bunney Volunteers, for the south-west corner of the county.

In the War Office papers their commission is given as follows2:—“ War Office, 16 March, 1804.

“His Majesty having signified His Pleasure that Commissions be presented to him for the following Gentlemen to be Officers in the Loyal Bunny Volunteers but not to take rank in the Army except during the time of the said corps being called out into actual Service.

Samuel Wright Esqr. to be Lt. Col. Cdt.
Pendock Barry Neale Esqr. to be Major.
       To be Captains:
Pendock Neaje Esqr.
Thos. Goodhead Esqr.
Richard Smith Esqr.”

It was a curious inversion of rank which made Pendock Neale’s son his superior officer.

At this time, owing no doubt to local knowledge, an emplacement for guns was made on the highest point between the South Lodge and Russell’s Farm. Bricks are still unearthed from time to time at the S.W. corner of Far South Plat.

During the Great War, 1914-18, representatives of the War Office inspected this position as a possible site for a battery at the time when a German invasion of the East Coast was expected, and air raids in this neighbourhood were frequent.

In the Days of the Luddites.

In 1811, owing to bad trade and the enforcement of a reduced scale of payment, the stockingers were brought into great distress. This prepared the way for an outbreak of discontent. The stockingers banded themselves together in a secret organisation, calling themselves Luddites, after a Leicestershire youth Ned Ludlam, who in pique had broken the needles of his father’s frame with a hammer. The Luddites entered shops and houses by night where there were frames, and smashed them. They carried out their raids so secretly that, in spite of a large military force and special police, they were able to continue this work of destruction until late in the year 1816. A thousand or more frames were destroyed in Nottingham and the neighbourhood, together with many lace machines; and many farm houses were raided for food.

In this last year of Luddism many South Nottinghamshire villages applied to the magistrates to enforce the “Act for the more effectual preservation of the peace,” and to strengthen the hands of the parish authorities. Holme Pierrepont, Cropwell Bishop, Cropwell Butler, Colston Bassett, Gamston, and Clipston among others were granted protection; but Tollerton, Keyworth, East Leake, Bradmore, Bunney and other S.W. parishes were refused. This had no ill consequences, owing to the collapse of the movement at the time of the refusal.

The Reform Bill.

When the House of Lords rejected the Reform Bill in 1831 the people of Nottingham were infuriated. They burnt the Castle, devastated Colwick Hall, and but for the military would have destroyed Wollaton Hall and other great houses in the neighbourhood. Tollerton Hall was placed under protection, but the rising was quickly quelled. Incendiary stack fires at Plumtree were evidence enough that the danger was real.

1.  Autograph signature.
2. W.O. 25/204 fo. 436.